THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL CHANGES ON WOMEN’S LITERATURE: The Case of Post-Soviet Russia and Indonesia’s Reformasi

Throughout history, political reforms have brought about changes in literature. This is particularly true for literature written by women. In the case of political changes which brought about new democracies, these changes paved the way for the voices of marginalized groups, such as women, to be heard and thus exposed issues that were previously suppressed. The emergence of new democracies over the last two decades was marked by the rise of new women authors and along with it appeared a new literary discourse on femininity and sexuality, as well as a different perspective on social and political issues.

Under authoritarian rule, most of women’s literature and the media in general tend to reflect the state’s gender ideology. Subsequently, when changes in the political setting provided more space for women writers and different views, women writers took on new and controversial themes as well as portrayed a different image of women. Women authors raised marginal issues, voiced out issues that were previously taboo, and exposed experiences that were once before silenced. We will explore this matter further by looking at the political reform of post-Soviet Russia and Indonesia, known as the Reformasi.

The Case of Post-Soviet Russia

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The glasnost era in Soviet Russia opened the opportunity for more women writers to publish their work. The 1980s to 90s marked a phenomenon of the new women’s prose in Russia and was considered a major literary event of the era. Women’s prose and literature changed dramatically in Soviet Russia in the early 1990s with big publishing houses in the late ’90s publishing the work of women writers (Sutcliffe, 2011). Contemporary Russian women writers include Mariia Arbatova, (Menia Zovut Zhenshchina (My Name is Woman), 1997), Ludmila Ulitskaya (Medea and Her Children, 1996), as well as women writers who would not like to be identified as part of ‘women’s literature’, such as Tatyana Tolstaya (On the Golden Porch, 1987), and those who were writing prior to the women’s prose era, such as Ludmilla Petrushevskaya (The Time: Night, 1991). 

Characteristics particular to these women’s writing are narratives that are women-centered and generational (Rytkoren, 2012) and themes that focus on motherhood. The Russian people’s close association of womanhood with motherhood is related to traditional values about women’s ultimate fulfillment and purpose in life which is being able to produce children and become mothers, as reflected in the term “Mother Russia” (Muff, 2008). In order to ensure labor power and achieve the state’s economic goal, Soviet labor policies strengthen these values by promoting the importance of women’s role in biological and social reproduction for the nation (Harden, 2009).  This notion of ‘compulsory’ motherhood became a source of oppression for Russian women. Thus, contemporary themes about motherhood voice out what was once silent resistance towards traditional patriarchal ideal images of women  (Rytkoren, 2012) as well as represent a form of rebellion towards state ideology (Muff, 2008).  

Narratives with mother and daughter relationships being a significant theme in contemporary women’s writing in post-Soviet Russia also suggest the suppression of the feminine in Russian culture (Marsha, 2012). As an effect of this long history of suppression, women’s literary work which emerged from this new political era and which exposes the feminine was viewed as derogatory and subordinate; hence the refusal of some women writers to be associated with women’s literature (Muff, 2008).

While it would be a mistake to think that a discourse similar to that of Western women’s liberation arose in post-Soviet Russia, some scholars view that the work of a number of contemporary Russian women writers confronts gender binarism or even deconstructs it by opposing the cultural conceptualization of motherhood and femininity (Muff, 2008). In contrast to this view, other scholars argue that instead of breaking gender binaries, narratives of the new women’s prose tend to center on the biological and social experiences of women. Women writers of this era did not attempt to deconstruct gender roles but instead aimed to reconstruct sexual difference (through their women-centered and mother-centered narratives) and recollect the past in order to uncover the suppressed (through the intergenerational relationships of the female characters). This representation of the female reflects post-Soviet women’s past traumatic experience living under the ideology of equality (Rytkoren, 2012). 

In her study of post-Soviet media, Pavlenko (2002) found that the discourse on gender presented in contemporary Russia is that of the women’s place is in the home and men are the breadwinners. It reflected that women no longer wanted to be the laborer and mother; they wanted to be in a situation where they can choose to be a homemaker. A chance to stay at home was seen as a form of liberation for women. At the same time, contemporary media representation of women depicts old-age patriarchal values that were maintained but repressed throughout Soviet rule, in particular, the sexual objectification of women. Women’s sexuality and women’s image as sexual object tend to be exploited by the media and supported by the overall cultural environment. All these reflect the repression of the past, where Russia’s dominant patriarchal culture lived alongside the ideology of equality. 

The Case of Indonesia’s Reformasi

Reflection of the past is also apparent in women’s writing during and following Indonesia’s 1998 political reform (Reformasi) which ended over 30 years of authoritarian rule.  After a long period of women being portrayed in literature in accordance with their culturally and government ascribed role as good mothers and dutiful wives, women writers of Indonesia’s Reformasi era link experiences in the private sphere to the public as well as to the political landscape; thus revealing women’s (and the Indonesian people’s) past experiences of various forms of oppression.

Known as Generation ’98, women writers of the Reformasi marked a new important era in Indonesian literary history. Nonetheless, these women were presented with mixed reviews: they were praised by some but highly condemned by others for bluntly expressing women’s sexuality. However, in general, the writers’ political stance or social concerns conveyed in their stories were majorly overlooked and instead themes about sexuality caught most of the public’s attention. 

After the publication of her controversial novel, Saman (1998), Ayu Utami is said to have pioneered the Generation ’98 of Indonesian literary writers and particularly what is now termed as Sastrawangi (literally fragrant literature) to refer to young, physically attractive, educated, middle-class, urban female writers which emerged during and following the Reformasi era. However, this term is somewhat derogatory (Eagling, 2011: 3) and underrates these writers as it associates them with novels containing themes of sex and of low quality work.

In contrast to public perception, studies on Indonesian women’s writers of 1998 onwards suggest that writers such as Ayu Utami, Djenar Maesa Ayu (Jangan Main-Main (dengan Kelaminmu), 2004) Dewi Lestari (Supernova 1, 2001), Linda Christanty (Makam Keempat, 2004), Helvy Tiana Rosa (Jaring-Jaring Merah, 2008), and Laksmi Pamunjtak (The Dairy of R.S.: Musings on Art, 2006) raise issues concerning intergeneration relationships, political and social changes (Eagling, 2011), pluralism, as well as alternative discourses on nation-building (Budiman, 2011). Breaking free from over 30 years of authoritarian rule, women writers of the Reformasi era unleash past oppression related to gender inequality, sexuality, ethnicity and religion, violence against women, political violence, human rights abuses, and national identity. This is what set them apart from notable fiction women writers of the 1970s (e.g., N.H. Dini, Marga T., and Maria W.) who—maybe due to the tight censorship of the past regime—largely did not take on political issues nor display critical notions about gender inequality. Moreover, the women authors of this era tend to affirm the dominant gender ideology.

The dominant gender ideology of the past regime, the New Order, promoted the role of women as good mothers and dutiful wives and men as breadwinner and household head. These gender roles were influenced by the dominant (Javanese) culture and found their legitimacy in religious beliefs and were further strengthened by laws, regulations, and state bureaucracy. This gender ideology was extended from the family to the state through civil servant organizations and policies to ensure political control. Women writers of the Reformasi mainly grew up during the New Order period and were raised in an environment affected by the dominant gender ideology of this regime (Eagling, 2011; Budiman, 2011) and a culture which imposes a double standard on women’s sexuality. Being writers emerging during (post-)Reformasi allows them—while still being affected by the powers of the past—to look at the past from a different perspective. Ambivalence is apparent in the work of the authors, still they bring alternative discourses and remain at the periphery. They are, however, not marginalized, as “they speak…on an equal footing” with the dominant powers. Furthermore, by adopting the strategy of marginality, they are able to envision an alternative construct of the nation (Budiman, 2011: 224–229). 

Conclusions

The work of women writers of Post-Soviet Russia and Indonesia’s Reformasi reflect how drawing on past experiences of living under a repressive state has helped uncover the forms of oppression the people and particularly women were subjected to. In this process, these authors looked at the past from the perspective of the present, giving voice to what was previously silenced. 

As a strategy for repression and to meet economic or political goals, state policies during the authoritarian rule of the two countries discussed unify women as mothers who serve their family and the state. Past experiences of motherhood being used as a means for repression are reflected in some of the works of the writers discussed above.

Furthermore, the work of both Russian and Indonesian women writers of the new political era symbolizes resistance and challenge. However, women writers of the former tend to demonstrate resistance towards Soviet ideology of equality and critically center on motherhood, womanhood, and women’s social experiences (of living under Soviet rule) in relation to their biological capacity. On the other hand, women writers of the latter tend to challenge the present gender ideological discourses and political repression which have their roots in the power of the past regime and dominant culture, and therefore they move towards deconstructing ideologies and notions of the nation. Thus, the public image constructed of the work of these women writers as being derogatory, ignores the political relevance of their work and depoliticizes the issues raised by these writers.

List of References

Budiman, Manneke (2011) ‘Re-Imagining the Archipelago: The Nation in Post-Suharto Indonesian Women’s Fiction.’ Thesis. The University of British Columbia (Vancouver) [online] <https://circle.ubc.ca/bitstream/id/119491/ubc_2011_spring_budiman_manneke.pdf >[4 January 2015].

Eagling, Caroline Melita (2011) ‘Socio-Political Issues in Women’s Fiction of the Reformasi.’ University of Tasmania [Online] <http://eprints.utas.edu.au/12434/1/Caroline_Melita_Eagling_ID_923828_Master_of_Arts_Thesis_pdf.pdf> [18 November 2014].

Harden, Jeni (2002) ‘Beyond the Dual Burden Theorising Gender Inequality in Soviet Russia’ [online]<http://demo.st-peter-files.digitalkombinat.net/Dateien/Session_5_-_Theorising_Gender_in_Soviet_Union_1.pdf> [1 December 2014].

Marsha, Rosalind (2012) New Mothers for a New Era? Images of Mothers and Daughters in Post-Soviet Prose. Modern Language Review (MLR), 107 (4), pp. 1191-1219 [online] <http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5699/modelangrevi.107.4.1191> [24 December 2014].

Muff, Rebecca A. (2008) ‘Contemporary Russian Women Writers: Rejecting Definition in Literary Rebellion.’ Thesis. Texas A&M University [online] <http://repository.tamu.edu/bitstream/handle/1969.1/85752/THESIS.pdf>[16 January 2015].

Rytkönen, Marja (2012) ‘Memorable Fiction: Evoking Emotions and Family Bonds in Post-Soviet Russian Women’s Writing.’ Argument Vol. 2 1/2012, pp. 59–74. 14 [online] http://www.academia.edu/7934202/Memorable_Fiction_Evoking_Emotions_and_Family_Bonds_in_Post-Soviet_Russian_Womens_Writing>[14 December 2014].

Pavlenko, Aneta (2002) ‘Socioeconomic Conditions and Discursive Construction of Women’s Identities in Post Soviet Countries.’ In Critical Management Research in Eastern Europe, Managing Transitions. Mihaela Kelemen and Monika Kostera (eds.). London: Palgrave [online] <apavlenk/pdf/Socioeconomic_Conditions_and_Discursive_Constructionof_Womens_Identities_in_Post-Soviet_Countries.pdf>[24 December 2014].

Sutcliffe, Benjamin M. (2011) Publishing the Russian Soul? Women’s Provincial Literary Anthologies, 1990-1995. Oxford: Ohio, USA [online] <http://sc.lib.muohio.edu/bitstream/handle/2374.MIA/4423/sutclibm-2011-04-21T20-56-03-0400-Publishing%20the%20Russian%20Soul%20Sutcliffe.pdf?sequence=1>[24 December 2014].

 

WRITING A RESEARCH PAPER FOR A FEMINIST RESEARCH STUDY

Tips for Beginners

Writing is all about clarity, organization, and style. This article is dedicated to the process of writing research papers for qualitative feminist studies which provides useful information particularly for those who are beginners at the task. However, this article also provides useful information for those using quantitative methods. In order to understand the issues surrounding the task of writing a research paper for a feminist research study, we first need to discuss two other related issues: feminist research itself and academic writing.

Feminist Research and Academic Writing

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Feminist scholars have long been critical of mainstream modes of knowledge production and how knowledge is expressed in conventional academic writing. Feminist investigations are conducted based on feminist theory and perspective which oppose male-centeredness in the development of frameworks as well as the use of positivistic approaches that view knowledge as neutral and objective. Feminism does not see the truth as being only one truth, but it acknowledges many truths. Knowledge is not seen as being universal, but instead situated and partial. Following feminist theory, the nature of feminist research is: transdisciplinary, combining theories and methods from across various fields; self-reflective, always conscious of the writer’s identity and interweaves the writer’s experiences in the process of gaining knowledge; empowering, empowers the researcher/researched/readers; and transformative, its aim is social change.

Consequently, the current dominant form of academic writing which is largely influenced by privileged, white, straight male in the academy is seen by feminists as silencing the production of feminist knowledge and as being unsuitable for feminist studies.

While maintaining this critical view, feminist scholarship in general has kept its writing style well suited to the conventions of current academic writing. However, the praxis of feminist research methods has added new tools in their investigations to allow for subjectivity and inclusiveness. In line with this, feminist scholarship has set innovative examples which provide for flexibility, while maintaining “validity”, in academic writing. Nevertheless, there are feminist writers who have abandoned most of what they view as patriarchal norms in academic writing.

As this article is targeted at readers new to the topic of feminist research and academic writing and who may be writing papers for course assignments, the organization of thoughts proposed here are still in line with conventional academic writing, however it shall draw on specific feminist qualities.

How to Write your Paper

The following are tips to give you more insight on writing a research paper for a feminist research study.

1.    Begin with a concise introduction and clear problem statement. Like any other paper, you have to be clear about the issue you are raising. Your introduction should address what you are examining and the scope of the problem. Your introduction should also set the context. Is the particular issue you are raising a new issue (e.g., about a new economic policy, a new housing policy) or is it an issue that has been raised over the years and continues to be relevant (e.g., about unpaid care work, child care, violence against women)? Or are you focusing on a specific period (e.g., the gender ideology of a past government regime, the child care policy of a given government administration)? Does the issue extend to a more specific context (e.g., the urban areas of a particular country) or is your research wider in scope, such as a country case study or a regional study (e.g., Asian)?

Feminism recognizes women’s diversity and that identity is multifacet. Therefore, it recognizes that different women may be impacted in different ways by a similar situation. Be clear from the start about the women that your research is representing and whose voice is being heard. Acknowledge elements such as class, location, marital status, parental status, ethnic and religious background, education, disabilities, sexual orientation, age, etc.

2.    Affirm the relevance and importance of your issue in the introduction. Demonstrate the relevance of your issue with current developments within your field of study and within feminist discourse, and if relevant, with the emerging issues of the day. Issues concerning women and gender are generally treated as issues that are not as important as current political or economic issues, so it would be good if you can relate your issue with current developments and affirm its importance. Remember that your description of the issue you are raising is shaped by feminist theory. Explain why the issue needs to be looked at from a feminist or gender perspective.

3.    Write up a concise literature review. The issue you are raising may have been raised before but from a different perspective. Point out where the previous perspective is lacking. Explain why existing data or evidence may lack “accuracy” because of androcentrism or because it has excluded women's experience altogether and thus why a different approach is needed. Your inquiry may have also been examined in other studies using different feminist approaches. Explain how your research problem is connected to other previous works. Explain the value added in your work. Discuss all this in a concise literature review to demonstrate the depth of the problem and the body of work related to your issue. If lengthy, you might need to put your literature review in a separate section from the introduction.

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4.    Elaborate your theoretical framework. If you're using a particular feminist theory or if your approach to the matter is influenced by a particular school of feminist thought, state clearly. If your research combines theories from different disciplines, explain clearly how you have connected these theories. Point out how feminist theory approaches truth and objectivity. State how your theoretical framework contributes to feminist theory as well as mainstream theoretical frameworks. Provide clear examples when explaining theoretical concepts or technical terms. Concepts such as patriarchy, phallogocentrism, matriarchy, and gender although widely used, have been used in a too general sense or even have taken a different meaning, so you might find it necessary to define them to avoid any misinterpretations. Although usually avoided in conventional academic writing, in your explanation of theory, I would say it is okay to use feminist jargons (e. g., the personal is political) but to the extent that it is required and useful and can explain as well as support your framework.

5.    Describe your methodology. Describe your approach to data and method of organizing data/findings. Elaborate the methods you have combined (if so) to obtain information. Explain why you chose this method(s) as well as cite where the method(s) has been used before (if so) in previous feminist investigations. Explain if you used specific participatory methods, interview techniques, or group discussions to gain information from women and/or men. In this section, you should also explain how the feminist theoretical framework you used is reflected in the way you approach knowledge and gather facts (e.g., your approach acknowledges that subjective experience shape knowledge). Finally, point out how your approach contributes to feminist and mainstream methodologies.

6.   Provide a good discussion of your findings. In your results and discussion section, remember that how you analyze your findings is guided by the feminist theory you incorporate. Maintain this connection throughout your discussion.  Always keep in mind that women are not homogenous, so do not generalize your findings and avoid universalizing facts which you have collected. Discuss how the issue affects the women in your study and how does it affect these women differently than men. Discuss how your method (e.g., sharing of experience among the women or with the women in your study, or how your participatory method—if you used one) led to these findings. As feminism is all about change, relate your findings with a course of action to promote change which you will develop later in the concluding section. Note that you might find it useful to have a separate results section from the discussion section.

7.    Wrap up with a good conclusion. Don’t just summarize your findings in the conclusion section, but convince readers why the problem matters. Point out the broader implications of your findings (political, economic, legal, policy, etc.) and, just as important, what we have learned from your study. Again, indicate how your study contributes to the development of theory or methodology. Finally, propose a course of action, a solution to the issue, or questions for further study. Note that some feminist studies involve or consult with the people in the study during the process of constructing the conclusions and formulating actions to be taken.

8.   Provide correct referencing and citations. To comply with the academic rule of the game, choose a referencing style and use it consistently throughout the paper whenever you are citing or borrowing other people’s ideas and end the paper with a list of the references you used to support your research. In the academic world, good referencing reflects the author’s credibility and professionalism.

9.   Regarding style. Feminist writing styles are known to have subjective experience and feelings interwoven throughout the text—narrating different truths and presenting conversations among various voices. Gender neutral language is used throughout the paper, including using ‘she’ in place of ‘he’ or applying ‘she or he’ and so forth (styles which have also been adopted by some authors, who do not particularly identify themselves with feminism, to avoid bias). Feminist writings also use language that demonstrates resistance to the dominant ideology by coining new terms such as herstory and womyn.

To Sum Up

Feminist research and feminist academic writing are forms of activism, as they challenge dominant conventions about neutrality, objectivity, validity, and the politics of knowing. They provide us with tools to bring forward marginalized voices and to prevent the repression of feminist ideas in the process of producing knowledge.

List of Readings

Coan, Casely Emma (2012) It Feels (W)Ri(Gh)T(E) to Me: Feminist Identity and Academic Writing. A thesis submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey [online] https://rucore.libraries.rutgers.edu/rutgers-lib/37379/.

Haraway, Donna (1988) Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective. Feminist Studies Vol. 14, No. 3. pp. 575-599 [online] http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0046-3663%28198823%2914%3A3%3C575%3ASKTSQI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M.

Sarikakis, Katharine, Ramona R. Rush, Autumn Grubb-Swetnam, and Christina Lane (2009) Feminist Theory and Research. In Stacks. Don W. and Salwen, M. B. (eds.). An Integrated Approach to Communication Theory and Measurement. New York: Taylor & Frances [online] http://homepage.univie.ac.at/katharine.sarikakis/wp-content/uploads/2011/09/Feminist-Theory-and-Research1.pdf.

GENDER IDEOLOGY in Three Historical Periods

Ideology

Historians have brought to our attention the gender ideals that existed in different historical periods. These ideals are seen as reflecting the power structure as well as the interest of the power elites during a particular era. These gender ideals which determine the gender roles of women and men are called gender ideology and can be explained through theories of ideology. Although there are many definitions of ideology which are incompatible and inconsistent with one another, some share the following principles: (1) ideology is made up of ideas that represent and serve the interest of the dominant class; (2) a distorted idea of reality which is reproduced to legitimize the dominant political power; (3) false consciousness which masks the real social and economic relations; (4) ideas which rationalize a course of action and are conceived as being natural and thus accepted by members of a society; and (5) a particular set of ideas that belong to a certain group but are presented as ideas that are universal. These generalized principals suggest that ideologies have a deceiving, naturalizing, and universalizing effect. However, what is not explicitly presented in the above principles is that inconsistencies shape an ideology. These inconsistencies or contradictions may emerge due to the competing ideas of the different elite groups within the power structure or because of shifts in the political or economic goals of political elites. Such inconsistencies could develop tensions that result in securing an ideology, but on the other hand, they could also open opportunities for change. 

By looking at three historical periods in Europe—the Renaissance, Victorian era, and World War II, this article describes the social, economic, and political context behind changes in the gender ideology of each period. 

The Renaissance

The Renaissance, which was the era of the rebirth of ancient Greek and Roman culture, largely excluded women from almost everything that constituted progress. It was the age of humanism, but women continued to be excluded from the public sphere and restricted to the private sphere—attending to domestic matters in the home and bearing children, especially sons, to secure the male lineage.

Lucrezia Borgia

Historians tend to view that women did not share the benefit of the Renaissance and that their status even declined during this era of progress. However, some view that women of the social elite had access to the culture and intellectual tradition of the Renaissance world, although through their relationship with men. During this era, some degree of education was thought to be important for women of the upper-class. Upper-class and noble young girls were given access to education, mainly by being taught subjects that were seen proper for girls. Noble young girls were educated in the royal courts or at home by tutors, learning subjects such as art, music, and poetry. Nonetheless, some of these girls were taught subjects that boys were taught (philosophy, literature, science), exposing them, to some degree, to the same style of education that boys had. This is true in the case of Christine de Pizan, a notable well-educated female writer and poet of the Renaissance era who wrote The Book of the City of Ladies (1404). However, in general, girls were educated primarily with the view of making them good mothers and proper wives, and that later in life, they will manage properties inherited from their husband. Girls were also sometimes sent to convents where nuns taught them needlework and reading and writing. 

In general, there was not much that wealthy women could do with their education as they were soon married off and it was only upon widowhood that these women might have gained some freedom.

Wealthier women managed the households with the help of servants and the care of children was assisted by governesses. In contrast, lower class and working class women would have to attend to cleaning and care work themselves as well as work outside the home to earn money, such as by providing domestic services for wealthy households; while peasant women in rural areas work in farms. 

In some parts of Italy, wealthier women may have been exposed to a less restricted upbringing. In the cities, such women could have helped with the family business. There were notable women from the privileged class who had political or cultural influence, although through their marriages. Some examples include the “notorious” Lucrezia Borgia; female icon of the Renaissance, Isabella d’Este; and the “Tigress of Forli”, Caterina Sforza. 

The plague, which spread throughout Europe in the 14th century, severely impacted on the economy of the cities and later led to significant changes in the social structure. Post-plague, the economy started to revive as a result of population growth. This was followed by a vast growing market which subsequently gave rise to the newly rich merchants. The newly rich adopted the noble's lifestyle, secured their power by marrying into noble families, and identified with the noble’s ideals; thus keeping the existing gender ideology largely intact.

The Victorian Era

Victorian Britain is famous for its public/private arrangement of society as well as its “Victorian morality”. The Victorian ideal of motherhood, domesticity, and femininity confined women in the private sphere as manageress of the household and complete dependents of either their father or husband. This ideal, which reflected the values of the upper and middle class of society, had a great influence throughout Europe and its colonies. 

Victorian middle-class home

This era, which began in 1837, is also recognized for its contradictions. It was an era where women were complete subordinates of men, where women owned limited property, where violence against women in the family was not considered a crime, and where women could not plea for divorce. Nevertheless, it was an era where a woman—the Queen—ruled the nation.

Despite its ideal image of women as mother and good wife, women in fact were wage earners who contributed to the country’s growing industry, including the textile industry and mining industry. The labor sector mirrored the public/private split; jobs were gendered and women became cheap labor. Women were paid less than men for the same job or were at the lower end of paid work, doing work that was considered low skilled or less important. Many poor women had to turn to sex work and even in the land which gave birth to the Victorian morality of purity and sexual repression, prostitution was just as commonly widespread. 

Interestingly, the Victorian era saw the emergence of a diverse and distinguished middle-class and the beginning of organized resistance against Victorian values. All this paved the way for a new era that brought significant changes for women, such as legal rights and the establishment of women’s trade unions (however, due to their exclusion from mainstream trade unions). Following the industrial revolution, an industrious middle-class grew strong, challenging the values of aristocracy, spreading and universalizing the values of merit and hard work to oppose wealth and power acquired through inheritance and privilege. The economic power of businessmen secured their political power and competing interest. As primary school education was provided for all children in the mid and later part of the era, its remaining years witnessed better education and employment for middle-class women. This gave rise to the spread of feminist ideas and women’s suffrage throughout the end of the Queen's rein in 1901, which set the stage for a stronger women’s movement throughout the next century.

World War II

We know that leaders of fascist nations create and shift notions of gender, marriage, family, parenthood, and reproduction to serve their political and economic goals. The German Nazis glorified motherhood when they needed women to reproduce a new generation of Aryans. However, when labor power was needed during the war to replace men who were drafted into the military, women's ideal role in the home was adjusted to fit the economic situation and women were instructed to fill the work force. 

World War II poster

What happened in fascist Germany was no exception, as the same pattern was found in other European countries as well the US. In World War II Europe, it was justified that women were in the labor force to serve the motherland. Women’s new role in the work force during this period called on them to take jobs which were normally done by men, such as work in munitions industries. This required governments to take certain measures, such as spreading propaganda about femininity and patriotism, to redefine the ideal woman and to encourage women to join the work force. 

How women were paid during World War II varied according to countries. Because women were not seen as playing their natural role, in some countries women were paid a lower wage than men for the same job. In other countries, women had a rise in pay for doing what was traditionally men’s work. But women gave up this work when men returned from war and went back to their traditional low paid work. It was also usual that after the war, because men needed jobs and someone to take care of them at home, women were sent back home to resume their “natural role”. So although there were shifts in gender roles during the war, there were no essential changes in gender ideology. The state only manipulated ideas regarding gender to secure its agenda, and when women’s services were no longer necessary, they were returned to the confinement of their homes “where they belonged”. However, women’s role during the war did help to justify women’s role outside the home and in the work force as well as raise women’s status and involvement in the military in the subsequent years.

To Conclude

From our discussion, we see that gender ideology operates at the social, political, economic, and cultural levels, varying the degree of oppression women face across class, as well as throughout different historical contexts. As seen in the case of the three periods discussed above, power elites can secure, change, or reinterpret gender ideologies to suit their purposes. Gender ideology usually alters following political or economic milestones. However, progressive change in gender ideology tends to come about gradually even after significant changes in society. What we need to keep in mind is that gender ideology is present in everyday life in complex ways, and at more times, in a subtle manner; disguising reality and inequalities, making—as coined by second wave feminism—the struggle for women’s equality “the longest revolution.”

  

List of Readings

Cloud, Amanda. Gender Roles of Women in the Renaissance (n.d.) Available at http://www2.cedarcrest.edu/academic/eng/lfletcher/shrew/acloud.htm [Accessed 11 October 2014].

Collins, Maria C. (2011) The Impact of Educational Reform on Victorian Britain. Available at http://www.humanities360.com/index.php/the-impact-of-educational-reform-on-victorian-britain-10373/ [Accessed 17 October 2014].

Darwin, Rachael (2013) ‘The Position of Women in the German Economy, Women in Nazi Ideology and the Nazi Economy.’ Go2war2NL. Available at http://www.go2war2.nl/artikel/2934/Women-in-Nazi-ideology-and-the-Nazi-economy.htm?page=1 [Accessed 9 October 2014].

Eagleton, Terry (1991) Ideology, an Introduction. Verso.

Ideololgy.  Available at http://tigger.uic.edu/~pharkin/pubs/ideology.html [Accessed 10 Oktober 2014].

Italian Renaissance (1330–1550) Women in the Renaissance. Available at http://www.sparknotes.com/history/european/renaissance1/section9.r html [Accessed 13 October 2014].

Kent, Dale (n.d.) Women in Renaissance Florence. Available at

http://www.oneonta.edu/faculty/farberas/arth/arth213/women_Ren_florence.html [Accessed 10 October 2014].

Lloyd, Jean (2006) ‘Christine de Pizan, Womens’ History’ King’s College History Dept. Available at http://departments.kings.edu/womens_history/chrisdp.htm [Accessed 7 November 2014].

Loftus, Donna (2011) The Rise of the Victorian Middle Class. Available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victorians/middle_classes_01.shtml [Accessed 12 October 2014].

Renaissance Class Structure. Available at http://quizlet.com/10489701/renaissance-class-structure-notes-flash-cards/ [Accessed 16 October 2014].

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